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Editorials

The Two Faces of Azerbaijan's Government - by Altay Goyushov
Khadija Ismayilova Arrested as Journalist and Human Rights Defender - by Rebecca Vincent
Azerbaijan Where Justice is a Prisoner - by Vugar Gojayev
Brenda Shaffer's Conflicts of Interest - by Casey Michel
Iranian Government Is Killing Lake Urmia - by Umud Duzgun
"Dark Times" in Azerbaijan - by Veronika Szente Goldston
What is Going On in Azerbaijan and Its NGO Sector - by Ali S. Novruzov
The Price of Tyranny Will Be Paid in Blood in Azerbaijan - by Elmar Chakhtakhtinski
The Parallel Realities of President Ilham Aliyev - by Giorgi Gogia
"Allahu Akbar" and Social Mutation - by Ganimat Zahidov
Azerbaijan and the Council of Europe: Crisis of Legitimacy - by Vugar Gojayev
The Iranian Delirium of Azerbaijani Regime's Proponents - by Elmar Chakhtakhtinski
The Georgian and Azerbaijani Elections: A Postmortem - by Richard Kauzlarich
How Europe Failed Azerbaijan - by Aslan Amani
Azerbaijan: The Challenges of Selling Oil Rich State’s Massive Electoral Fraud to the US Public - by Elmar Chakhtakhtinski
Corrupt Dictator Is Challenged by a Scholar in Azerbaijan’s Presidential Elections - by Elmar Chakhtakhtinski
EU and Azerbaijan: Setting the Record Straight - by Eldar Mamedov
How Azerbaijan is Like 'The Godfather' - by Michael Weiss
Karabakh and Democracy: Putting Carriage Before the Horse - by Elmar Chakhtakhtinski
Azerbaijan Stirred, Not Shaken by Turkish Protests - by Shahla Sultanova
Abulfaz Elchibey and Democracy - by Irena Lasota
The EU and Azerbaijan: Mismatched Objectives - by Giorgi Gogia
Presidential Elections in Iran Mean Nothing for Iran's Ethnic Minorities - by Umud Duzgun
A Double Standard Won't Do for Baku - by Eldar Mamedov
Open Letter to American Participants of US-Azerbaijan Convention in Baku - by Elmar Chakhtakhtinski
When the Music Dies... - by Rebecca Vincent
Azerbaijani FM's Diplomatic Trip to Isreal Tweaks Tehran - by Shahin Abbasov
Sound Bites Aside... - by Andy Heil
Oil and Stability in Azerbaijan - by Lucy Wallwork
Azerbaijan & Iran: A Soft-Power Struggle? - by Eldar Mamedov
A Tale of Two Azerbaijanis - by Murad Gassanly
"Notebook About Cuba" of Vahid Gazi - Story of "Island of Freedom" - by Rustam Ibragimbekov
South Azerbaijan Is Not Iran - By Umud Duzgun
Azerbaijan and EU: Recalibrating Relations? - by Eldar Mamedov
Azerbaijan: a Mafia State - by Elmar Chakhtakhtinski
Aylisli Controversy Reveals the True Face of Aliyev Regime - by Elmar Chakhtakhtinski
Examining the Economic Sources of Ismayilli Discontent - by Khadija Ismayilova
Secret Videos Threaten Top Aide of Azerbaijani President - by Shahin Abbasov
Strasser's Honorable Defeat - by Anar Mammadli

Read more...

OTHER IMPORTANT TOPICS

SOCAR Chief's Son Does "Charity" with Public Funds - by Khalid Kazimov
TeliaSonera’s Behind-the-Scenes Connection to Azerbaijani President’s Daughters- by Khadija Ismayil
Ali Hasanov's Media Business: Journalist Investigation by Khadija Ismayilova
The Corleones of the Caspian - by Michael Weiss, Foreign Policy
Azerbaijani Police Fires Rubber Bullets, Tear Gas at Protesting Small Business Owners
AZAD Letter Supports the Removal of Heydar Aliyev Statue from Mexico City

What is to be Done With Pseudo-Democracies. Hikmat Hajizade's Presentation on January 25, 2012

EMDS Final Report on Azerbaijan's Parliamentary Elections on November 7, 2010

"Resource Nationalism Trends In Azerbaijan, 2004-2009," Research by Vugar Gojayev, March 2010

February 16, 2010 - NHC Report: "Nakhchivan: Azerbaijan's Dark Island"

"End of Term Limits. Monarchical Presidencies on the Rise," by Farid Guliyev, Harvard International Review, Feb. 28, 2009
"Imitation Democracies," by Dmitri Furman, New Left Review, Nov/Dec. Issue, 2008

Politics of Energy: Comparing Azerbaijan, Nigeria and Saudi Arabia - by Jos Boonstra, Edward

Burke and Richard Young, FRIDE, September 2008
Azeri Minister of Interior Helped Georgian Government To Suppress Opposition In November 2007

Azerbaijan's 2005 Parliamentary Elections: A Failed Attempt At Transition - by Valerie J. Bunce and Sharon L. Wolchik

Christopher Walker Attacked Azeri Dictatorship At Helsinki Commission
Praise to Dictator
US Lobbying Firm Accused of Accepting Bribes from Azeri Government to Discredit Opposition

90 Years Anniversary of First Muslim Democracy - Azerbaijan Democratic Republic

Last Words of Ganimat Zahid

Interesting Read

What Do Madrid Principles Say on Karabakh? PDF Print E-mail

By Murad Gassanly

The focus of much of the debate on the current state of the Karabakh peace process is firmly centred on what is known as Madrid Principles – a set of proposals put forward by international mediators which are hoped to provide a firm basis for a final agreement in the on-going Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict over the disputed territory of Nagorno Karabakh. This debate proceeds despite the fact that the Principles have not been officially disclosed or published.

This is not surprising. The peace process led by the OSCE Minsk Group for the past 16 years has been characterised by an almost pathological secrecy, non-transparency and total lack of democratic public scrutiny. The people of Armenia and Azerbaijan have been left totally excluded from the process, whilst negotiations were carried out by an ever-changing cast of international mediators from Russia, USA and France (the OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs), behind closed doors and in the back-rooms and corridors, during major summits and leaders’ gatherings. This approach betrays a rather condescending and patronising attitude of elites in both Azerbaijan and Armenia and their international counterparts, who view the people as a problem rather than a solution. More ominously, by excluding the societies in warring states, the Minsk Group engendered much cynicism and mistrust of the peace process in both countries, making solution more difficult in the long run.

When they were leaked to the public more than two years ago, Madrid Principles, not surprisingly, were received ambiguously by populations long accustomed to announcements of “historic breakthroughs” and “major agreements” which never come to fruition. Yet, unlike previous initiatives, Madrid Principles continue to receive much attention and the document is increasingly seen both domestically and internationally as the best chance for a final deal on Karabakh. Secretary of State Hilary Clinton on her visit to Azerbaijan and Armenia earlier this month once again reiterated US support for Madrid Principles.

Whilst most of the details remain unknown what is known is that Madrid Principles is the only document to emerge from 16 years of negotiations and is based on the provisions of Helsinki Final Act of 1975 (hereafter HFA) – the governing legal document of the OSCE, the organisation in charge of the peace process and of which both Armenia and Azerbaijan are member-states.

Non-use of force, territorial integrity and self-determination of peoples are the three key elements of Madrid Principles and these correspond respectively to Article II of HFA (Refraining from the threat or use of force), Article IV (Territorial integrity of States) and Article VIII (Equal rights and self-determination of peoples). The Helsinki Final Act is a major piece of international law that served as a basis for many treaties and agreements, including the Dayton Peace Accords and the recent Armenian-Turkish Protocols. There are ten Articles constituting the HFA and the choice of this or that article essentially sets a framework within which proposed agreements or treaty may be interpreted and establishes parameters for the implementation of any such deal.

What is striking about discussions around Madrid Principles is the total lack of legal argument. Much of the debate is intensely political, with Baku and Yerevan choosing to concentrate on possible political outcomes of the Madrid Principles, rather than their legal implications. Yet the Principles are essentially a legal document and provide a rule-based framework for the settlement of the Karabakh conflict.

This is happening chiefly for political reasons. The governments of Robert Kocharian and Ilham Aliev, having excluded their populations from the peace process for many years are forced to operate in a highly charged atmosphere of mistrust and fear being accused of “selling Karabakh out”. Thus, as far as supporters of Madrid Principles in Baku are concerned, inclusion of the principle of territorial integrity means that Karabakh will never be independent, whilst those in Armenia point to the right of self-determination as a guarantee of future Karabakh independence. Inclusion of the principle of non-use of force is seen in Yerevan as a permanent block on Azerbaijan capacity to militarily threaten Armenian control of Karabakh.

The conventional narrative that emerged out of debates around the Madrid Principles goes something like this. Armenians in Karabakh would receive security guarantees through the deployment of international peacekeepers, which will ensure implementation of the commitment on non-use of force. There would be withdrawal of Armenian and Nagorno-Karabakh Armenian forces from all occupied territories adjacent to Nagorno-Karabakh, with special provisions for Kelbajar and Lachin – restoration of Azerbaijani territorial integrity. There would be return of all displaced persons to liberated Azerbaijani territories including Karabakh. Nagorno-Karabakh’s final status would be determined at a later and unspecified date by a vote, with an interim status to be settled on until that time (exercise of the right to self-determination).

Such narrative does not make sense simply because we do not have all the details of Madrid Principles. But its most interesting feature is that it is almost entirely political. Opponents and proponents of Madrid Principles in Azerbaijan and Armenia, as well as international observers, are busy discussing such issues as the make-up of the peacekeeping force, the status of Lachin and Kelbajar, the nature of the referendum that will determine Karabakh final status and so on. There is practically no discussion of the legal basis for these assumptions.

It is notable (and paradoxical) that there is greater opposition to Madrid Principles in Armenia and Armenian Diaspora in the West, than in Azerbaijan. As far as Baku is concerned the issue of territorial integrity is paramount and the Principles reflect Azerbaijan’s priorities in that respect. This is not just an erroneous interpretation of the legal situation but an extremely dangerous one.

This becomes clear when one examines the legal provisions expressed through the Madrid Principles.
First, the inclusion of Article II of HFA on non-use of force precludes any possibility of Azerbaijan exercising its right to self defence under Article 51 of the UN Charter (Self-defence) to liberate occupied territories, once an agreement is signed and it becomes clear that Azerbaijan has been hoodwinked into surrendering sovereignty over Karabakh. Because this is the crucial issue – the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over Karabakh is not about territorial integrity or self-determination – it is about sovereignty over the disputed territory.

If we examine the text of Article IV of HFA (Territorial Integrity) the danger becomes apparent. The legal concept of territorial integrity as expressed in HFA has nothing to do with Karabakh (formally recognised by all, including Armenia, as a constituent part of Azerbaijan) and applies only and exclusively to member states of OSCE – Azerbaijan and Armenia. “NKR” is not a member state of OSCE – it is not even a state.

Article IV reads that, “The participating States will respect the territorial integrity of each of the participating State” and “…will likewise refrain from making each other's territory the object of military occupation or other direct or indirect measures of force in contravention of international law, or the object of acquisition by means of such measures or the threat of them”. That is all there is.

Politically this means that Armenia formally declares that it has no territorial claims against Azerbaijan and recognises the borders of the neighbouring state. This, in fact, has been the Armenian position since 1993 – that Karabakh conflict was an internal matter for Azerbaijan. Many in Azerbaijan erroneously interpret inclusion of the principle of territorial integrity as a firm guarantee that the right to self-determination of Karabakh Armenian population can only be exercised within the borders of Azerbaijan Republic i.e. widest form of autonomy but not independence. There is no basis for this assumption in the legal reading of the text of the Helsinki Final Act. In fact, the principle of territorial integrity refers only to relations amongst states, members of OSCE, and has no relevance to issues of secession or separatism affecting these states internally – it is simply not relevant in that context from a legal perspective. Any international lawyer would confirm that fact.

The above Azerbaijani assumption would be valid if, and only if, Madrid Principles were also based on Article I (Sovereign equality, respect for the rights inherent in sovereignty) and Article III (Inviolability of frontiers), which they are not. Article I is the most important of all for two reasons. First, it requires all to respect not just territorial integrity of another state but also “all the rights inherent in and encompassed by its sovereignty” i.e. total recognition of other states’ control of their territories. It is a failure in Baku to understand that it is possible for a state not to have real sovereignty over a territory, whilst retaining de jure its territorial integrity. Such is the flexibility of international law.

Second, Article I is the only portion of HFA that sets out conditions under which a constituent territory of an OSCE member-state can legally secede from that State. According to Article I of HFA member-state’s “frontiers can be changed, in accordance with international law, by peaceful means and by agreement”.

As stated above the choice of this or that HFA article determines political outcomes of any agreement based on the Act. Inclusion or non-inclusion of certain provisions bears significantly on what the agreement is about. Non-inclusion of Article I of HFA into Madrid Principles is crucial. It means that the issue of Azerbaijani sovereignty over Karabakh is universally and legally challenged. Moreover, it means that Azerbaijan recognises the challenge to its sovereignty and accepts that the latter would be determined by a popular vote. Moreover, it means that Azerbaijan’s agreement, should its borders be changed, is not legally required. Azerbaijan agreed to a referendum – that is enough.

Absence of Article I, with its stress on “agreement”, means that Article VIII (Right to Self Determination) is the only legal element in the Madrid Principles that deals with the issue of secession and, therefore, takes precedence. Hence, independence of Karabakh, established through a referendum at some point in the future (when Azerbaijan will no longer be able to use force legally – Article II), is not just possible but inevitable. Anyone who is familiar with the history of Armenian national supremacist ideology, religious fundamentalism, militancy and territorial expansionism, will be in no doubt about the outcomes of such a referendum.

As Vafa Guluzade, former policy advisor to President Heydar Aliev, pointed out, Madrid Principles, if implemented in an agreement, can lead to “fragmentation” of Azerbaijan. He is correct. As things stand, Madrid Principles set out a blueprint for eventual independence of Karabakh and creation of a second Armenian state in South Caucasus. Those elements of the Helsinki Final Act that form the basis of Madrid Principles stipulate that:
1) Republic of Armenia recognises Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity and forfeits any claims against Azerbaijan Republic, but does not and is not required to recognise Azerbaijani sovereignty over Karabakh.
2) The International community recognises Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity but does NOT recognise Azerbaijani sovereignty over Karabakh.
3) Azerbaijan forfeits its right under international law to use force in self-defence against Armenian occupation of Karabakh and other regions.
4) Armenian security is guaranteed through deployment of international peace-keeping force not just in Karabakh but in all of the territories of Azerbaijan currently under Armenian occupation – Azerbaijan will not be allowed to deploy its own troops in regions such as Agdam or Fizuli.
5) Azerbaijani sovereignty over Karabakh is de facto and de jure negated by establishment of an interim status for Karabakh, probably under the auspices of OSCE and direct control of that organisation – similar to the interim status offered to Kosovo by UN prior to that region’s declaration of independence.
6) The final issue of sovereignty over Karabakh will NOT be decided by the warring parties, through negotiations between Baku and Yerevan, but through a referendum to be held at some point in the future – when will this be is irrelevant since legal standards will be upheld indefinitely.
A recent change in Azerbaijani constitution (adopted through a rigged referendum) has transformed a constitutional requirement for all referendums to be held on national basis – the current text of Azerbaijani constitution requires as few as 40,000 people to demand a referendum on a local issue, for it to be triggered.
7) Article VIII of HFA (The Right to Self-determination) reads that “…all peoples always have the right, in full freedom, to determine, when and as they wish, their internal and external political status, without external interference, and to pursue as they wish their political, economic, social and cultural development. As such there is absolutely no legal basis to claim that Armenian population of Karabakh cannot demand full independence when the referendum is eventually held.

It would have been possible to prevent the “independence option” being included into the referendum if the agreement between Azerbaijan and Armenia was to be based on Article I of HFA (Sovereignty). Azerbaijan could have then legally challenged any independence demands, since Article I require the agreement of a state for its frontiers to be changed. But as Article I is not included in the Madrid Principles there is no legal recourse for Azerbaijan – there is nothing in the three elements of Madrid Principles which would prevent Karabakh Armenians demanding independence through a referendum in accordance with Article VIII (Self-determination). As stated above, the principle of territorial integrity (Article IV) does not apply to relations within member-states of OSCE, but only to relation between such states.

The importance of Article I and the issue of sovereignty become even more apparent when comparing Madrid Principles with other legal documents and agreements based on Helsinki Final Act. For instance, both the Dayton Accords and the Armenian- Turkish Protocols are based explicitly on Article I (Sovereignty).

The question to the Aliev administration is this - why have they agreed to a legal framework that explicitly challenges Azerbaijani sovereignty over Karabakh and removes the final status issue from its traditional place as subject to bilateral negotiations between Baku and Yerevan? Azerbaijan was invaded by Armenia and our territories are occupied by that foreign power. Independence of Karabakh was not the demand when the conflict flared up in 1988 – the original demand was annexation of Karabakh by Armenia. The right to self determination was articulated only after the collapse of Soviet Union as a means to legitimise the aggression perpetrated by the Republic of Armenia. Azerbaijan always insisted that the status of Karabakh should be settled through negotiations between the governments of two warring states. To remove that precondition is to play a dangerous game with the future of Azerbaijani statehood – one that is immaterial without sovereignty over Karabakh.

The paradox of Madrid Principles is that they are opposed most forcefully by Armenians, whilst many in Azerbaijan are euphoric in their delusions about the nature of the legal principle of territorial integrity.

 
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Azerbaijan in International Media

"Azerbaijan Imprisons an Investigative Journalist," The Washington Post, Dec. 11, 2014

"Azerbaijan Jails Reporter Who Angered Top Officials," by D. Herszenhorn, The New York Times, Dec. 5, 2014

"Duke of York to Meet Azeri Despot Ilham Aliyev for 12th Time," by Jim Armitage, The Independent, Nov. 13, 2014

"Azerbaijan Risks New Armenia Conflict as Chopper Downed," by Z. Agayev and S. Khojoyan, Bloomberg News, Nov. 12, 2014

"Azerbaijan's Human Rights are On a Kinfe Edge," by Thorbjorn Jagland, The Guardian, Nov. 3, 2014

"No Country for Human Rights: Azerbaijan's Increasingly Intolerant Regime," by Gunay Ismayilova and Samir Kazimli, The New York Times, Oct. 22, 2014

"Time for Sanctions on Baku," by David J. Kramer and Richard Kauzlarich, The American Interest, Oct. 2, 2014

"Azerbaijan and Think Tanks," The New York Times, Sep. 6, 2014

"'The Hardest Part is I Can't See You' - Azeri Activist's Prison Letter to Jailed Husband," RFE/RL, Aug. 20, 2014

"Azerbaijan Prosecutes a Prominent Human Rights Defender on Absurd Charges," The Washington Post, Aug. 13, 2014

"Prominent Activist Charged With Treason in Azerbaijan," by Neil MacFarquhar, The New York Times, July 31, 2014

"Lawmakers' Trips to Baku Conference Raise Ethics Questions," by Will Tucker and Lise Olsen, Houston Chronicle, Jul. 26, 2014

"Azerbaijan Counts Human Cost of Architecture," by Shahin Abbasov, The Guardian, July 14, 2014

"British MPs Taken on 'Caviar Trail' By Lobbyists Close to Azerbaijan's Coprrupt Dictatorship," by Jon Stone, BuzFeed.com, June 20, 2014

"Azerbaijan and Council of Europe: Do As We Say, Not As We Do," by G.E., The Economist, May 13, 2014

"Azerbaijan's Sponsorship of Atletico Proves Spectacular Success," by Owen Gibson, The Guardian, May 1, 2014

"Vugar Gashimov, Grandmaster of Chess, Dies at 27," by D. L. McClain, The New York Times, Jan. 12, 2014

"Authoritarian Regimes Retool Their Media-Control Strategy," by R. Orttung, C. Walker, The Washington Post, Jan. 10, 2014

"Hague's Azerbaijan Gas Pipeline Attacked," by Jim Armitage,The Independent, Dec. 17, 2013

"Azerbaijan's Leading Dailies Pay Steep Price for Criticizing the Regime," by Vugar Gojayev, Global Post, Dec. 13, 2013

"Plush Hotels and Caviar Diplomacy," by J. Doward and C. Latimer, The Guardian, Nov. 23, 2013

"Azerbaijan Is Absolutely Not A Model For Political Reform," by Mark Adomanis, Forbes, Nov. 20, 2013

"Free and fair elections are not just about the election day," by Maina Kiai, The Guardian, Oct. 29, 2013

"Azerbaijan Not the Stable, Prosperous U.S. Partner Often Portrayed," by Aslan Amani, The World Politics Review, Oct. 15, 2013

"Fairness an Issue, Even After Azerbaijan Votes," by David Herszenhorn, The New York Times, Oct. 10, 2013

"Azerbaijan Aliyev: Opponent Hasanli wants vote annulled," BBC News, Oct. 10, 2013

"Oops: Azerbaijan released election results before voting had even started," by Max Fisher, The Washington Post, Oct. 9, 2013

"Azerbaijan must use this election to end the Aliyev Dynasty," by Jamil Hasanli, The Guardian, October 8, 2013

"Azeri Leader Tied to U.S. Taps Oil Cash to Avoid Assad Fate," by Henry Meyer, Bloomberg, October 3, 2013

"Azerbaijan: How not to prepare for an election," The Economist, September 2, 2013

"Choices for the South Caucasus," by D. Corboy, W. Cortney, R. Kauzlarich, K. Yalowitz, The New York Times, Aug. 28, 2013

"Aliyev to Face Putin Before Azerbaijani Presidential Election," by Jamila Mammadova, Telegraph, Aug. 7, 2013

"Intimate video emerges, again, of reporter investigating Azerbaijan president's family," by Max Fisher, The Washington Post, August 7, 2013

"Director vs. Dictator," by Shaun Walker, The Independent, July 15, 2013

"How Azerbaijani is Like 'The Godfather,'" by Michael Weiss, The Atlantic, July 11, 2013

"Lobby Money Should Not Thwart US Support for Freedom in Azerbaijan," by E. Chakhtakhtinski, Global Post, June 28, 2013

"Azerbaijan Rolls Out Red Carpet for Visiting U.S. Lawmakers," by Larry Luxner, The Washington Diplomat, June 26, 2013

"The Great Pipeline Face-Off," by Art Patnaude, WSJ, June 21, 2013

"For Obama Ex-aides, It's Time to Cash In," by J. Eilperin and T. Hamburger, The Washington Post, May 30, 2013

"Iran Threatens Azerbaijan," by Alexandros Petersen, The National Interest, April 29, 2013

"A Trip Into Baku's 12th-Century Old City," Photogallery from RFE/RL, April 26, 2013

"Airmiles Andy is Back at the Despot's Table," by Nick Craven and Will Stewart, The Daily Mail, April 13, 2013

"News by and for the Authorities," by Christopher Walker and Robert Orttung, The New York Times, April 5, 2013

"Leaks Reveal Secrets of the Rich Who Hide Cash Offshore," by David Leigh, The Guardian, April 3, 2013

"EU's Problem Neighbors," by Rikard Jozwiak, RFE/RL, March 20, 2013

"Editor of Azerbaijan's Independent Newspaper Sentenced to 9 Years In Jail," The Washington Post, March 12, 2013

"Azerbaijan Police Use Rubber Bullets to Break Up Protest in Baku," The Washington Post, March 10, 2013

"As International Scrutiny Fades, Azerbaijan Scrambles to Silence Critics," by Rebecca Vincent, AlJazeera, March 6, 2013

"The Land of No Anti-Semitism," by Anshel Pleffer, Haaretz, March 1, 2013

"Inside The Department Of AliyevScience" - by Shahla Sultanova and Charles Recknagel, RFERL, Feb 24, 2013

"Azerbaijan is Rich. Now It Wants to be Famous," by Peter Savodnik, The New York Times, Feb. 8, 2013

"Novella's Sympathetic Portreyal of Armenians Causes Uproar in Azerbaijan," by Shahla Sultanova, The NY Times, Feb. 1, 2013

"On a Second Thought..." by Henry Grabar, The Atlantic Cities, Jan. 30, 2013

"Mexico: Statue of Ex-Leader of Azerbaijan Removed," The NY Times, Jan. 26, 2013

"Officials in Azerbaijan Claim to Restore Order to Rioting City," by Andrew Roth and Shahla Sultanova, The NY Times, Jan. 25, 2013

"Minor vehicle collision in Azerbaijan sparks mass riot, attack on local official’s son", The Washington Post, Jan. 24, 2013

"Mexico to Remove Controversial Statue to Former Azerbaijani President," The Washington Post, Jan. 23, 2013

Read more...

Azerbaijan in International Reports

December 10, 2013: The Global Witness Report on Corruption in Azerbaijan's Oil Industry - "Azerbaijan Anonymous"

November 5, 2013 - European Stability Intiative Report on Azerbaijan's Presidential Elections - "Disgraced: Azerbaijan and the End of Election Monitoring as We Know It"

September 1, 2013 - HRW Report - "Tightening the Screws: "Azerbaijan's Crackdown on Civil Society and Dissent"

May 14, 2013 - Report of Civil Rights Defenders, Sweden based international human rights organization, on Human Rights Defenders in Azerbaijan

April 2013 - US State Department's Country Report on Human Rights in Azerbaijan

April 3, 2013 - ICIJ Report - Inside the Global Offshore Money Maze

January 2013 - Annual Report on Human Rights Watch - Chapter on Azerbaijan

December 2012 - Freedom House - Nations in Transit - Azerbaijan Country Report

October 29, 2012 - Amnesty International Report "Azerbaijan: Human Rights Abuses Placed Under the E-Spotlight"

October 25, 2012 - "The Struggle for Internet Freedom in Azerbaijan," by Vugar Gojayev

September 27, 2012 - Report on "Local and Regional Democracy in Azerbaijan," The Congress of Local and Regional Authorities, Council of Europe

May 24, 2012 - "Caviar Diplomacy: How Azerbaijan Silenced the Council of Europe. Part 1" - European Stability Initiative

May 9, 2012 - "Spotlight on Azerbaijan" - Foreign Policy Centre's Report on Human Rights Record of Azerbaijan

April 18, 2012 - EU Parliament's Resolution on EU-Azerbaijan Association Agreement

April 18, 2012 - EU Parliament's Resolution on EU-Armenia Association Agreement

April 2, 2012 - Sandie Shaw Calls on Azerbaijani Government to Stop Harassing Journalists - Amnesty International Report

February 29, 2012 - "They took everything from me" Human Rights Watch Report on Forcible Evictions In Azerbaijan

February 20, 2012 - The Amnesty International Briefing on Human Rights In Azerbaijan

October 4, 2011 - Norwegian Helsinki Committee's Report on Political Prisoners In Azerbaijan

September 23, 2011 - Human Rights Watch Letter to Azerbaijani Minister of Justice On Disbarred Lawyers

April 12, 2013 - IPGA Statement on Political 2012-2013 Political Persecutions in Azerbaijan

April 8, 2011 - US State Department's Human Rights Report on Azerbaijan for 2010

March 7, 2011 - Amensty International: Azerbaijan Must Halt Crackdown On Protest Organizers

February 15, 2011 - CPJ Report "Attacks on the Press 2010: Azerbaijan"

January 27, 2011 - ODIHR/OSCE Final Report on Azerbaijani Parliamentary Elections of Nov. 2010

November 8, 2010: ODIHR/OSCE Preliminary Statement on Azerbaijan's Parliamentary Elections

October 30, 2010: ODIHR/OSCE Second Interim Report on Azerbaijani Elections

October 26, 2010: HRW Report - Azerbaijan: Beaten, Blacklisted and Behind Bars

October 21, 2010: Azerbaijan: Free Expression Under Attack

September 2010 - Article 19 Report - Living As Dissidents: Freedom of Expression In Azerbaijan

September 3, 2010 - International Crisis Group Report: "Azerbaijan: Vulnerable Stability"

March 2010 - Resource Nationalism Trends In Azerbaijan - PETROSAM Program of Reasearch Council of Norway

March 11, 2010 - U.S. State Department's 2009 Report on Azerbaijan

February 24, 2010 - Global Integrity Report on Corruption in Azerbaijan

February 16, 2010 - NHC Report: "Nakhchivan: Azerbaijan's Dark Island"

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Linked Info

"Your Government May Be Corrupt, But Is It Azerbaijan-Corrupt?" - Buzzfeed.com. June 11, 2014

"Azerbaijan's photographers: Capturing the raw truth" by R. Jafarov and R. Vincent, Index on Censorship, October 11, 2013

Aliyev's Cultural Spending Spree - by Emma, Platformlondon.org - May 16, 2013

OCCRP Names Aliyev "Person of the Year" - Dec. 31, 2012

"Sudden, Violent Demonstration Erupts In Northern Azerbaijan," by Karl Rahder, FPB, March 2, 2012

"Azerbaijan: Early 20th Century Satirical Magazine Offers Edgy Exploration of Eurasia," Eurasianet.org, Nov. 24, 2011

US Amb. Ross Wilson's Speech at the Atlantic Council Conference On Europian Energy - June 1, 2011

"Azerbaijan: Prominent Lawyer Disbarred, Youth Activist Arrested," by Karl Rahder, FPB, Feb. 6, 2011

"Azerbaijan Backtracks in Ukranian Organ Transplant Investigation," Eurasianet.org, Dec. 3, 2010

"More Troubles In Baku, Local Press Reports On "Magic Tree"," by Karl Rahder, FPB, June 20, 2010

"Azerbaijan Grapples With New Media Freedom," by Karl Rahder, ISN, June 7, 2010

"A Journalism (r)evolution in Azerbaijan," by Mark Briggs, Lost Remote, May 24, 2010

"IMF: The Party Is Over For Azerbaijan," by Shahin Abbasov, Eurasianet. org, May 24, 2010

"Alienating Azerbaijan?" by Karl Rahder, International Relations and Security Network, Apr. 27, 2010

"Colors and Flowers... and Soviet Spoils," by Ben Tanosborn, April 27, 2010

"The U.S. and the Persecution of Azerbaijan's Bloggers," by Joshua Kucera, trueslant.comm Nov. 11, 2009

"Story of a Father and Son," Frontline Club, Sep 28, 2009

"Hooligans?," RSF about arrested youth activists in Azerbaijan, July 11, 2009

"I Rule Here and Blind Democrats in Europe," by Ilgar Mammadov, REAL, June 27, 2009

Azerbaijan Marks Anniversary Of Its First Republic - Frontline Club, May 29, 2009

Absolute Power Corrupts Absolutely - by Farid Guliyev, ResetDoc.org, April 16, 2009

So Much For Azerbaijani Democracy - by Michael J. Totten, Commentary Magazine, Oct. 21, 2008

Azerbaijan: Election Day Proves A Snooze - by Mina Muradova, Eurasia Insight, Oct. 15, 2008

Finding Elmar's Killers. Azerbaijan Special Report - by Nina Ognianova, CPJ, Sep. 16, 2008

Azerbaijani Opposition Mulls Presidential Election Boycott - by Liz Fuller

Naxcivan: More Tales From Azerbaijan's North Korea

It's National Press Day in Azerbaijan, But There's Little Cause For Celebration

Read more...

Videos

December 12, 2014: AZAD Event "Time to Get Tough With Baku: Can US Sanctions Help Azerbaijani Dissidents?"

November 12, 2014: Gerald Knaus Presentation on Azerbaijani Government's Lobbying Efforts with Council of Europe

November 10, 2014: Civic Solidarity Platform: No More Business as Usual for Azerbaijan

May 16, 2014: Radio Azadliq Interview with U.S. Amb. to Azerbaijan Richard Morningstar: "Who Will Stand up for Azerbaijan's Independence?"

November 22, 2013 - AZAD Event: "The Quest for Democracy in Azerbaijan: Conversation with Jamil Hasanli"

November 7, 2013 - AZAD Event: "The Perils of Content with Azerbaijan: Is Status-Quo Sustainable for the West's Favorite 'Gas Station'?"

October 27, 2013 - National Council's Protest Rally in Baku

October 16, 2013 - U.S. Investor Jailed After Whistleblowing on Corrupt Business Deals With Azerbaijan

September 30, 2013 - "Concernus Theatricus": Azeri Youth TV Pokes US Ambassador Morningstar

July 31, 2013 - House Demolition in Khutor, Baku

July 2, 2013 - President Ilham Aliyev's speech in front of the Azerbaijani Police Forces

June 13, 2013: Harlem Shake Protest in Front of Azerbaijani Embassy in London

March 29, 2013 - Battle to Save Homes from Demolition in Baku

January 24, 2013 - Ismayilli Protests Continue

January 23, 2013 - Popular Uprising in Ismayilli

January 23, 2013 - Amazing Azerbaijan! Short Film

January 12, 2013 - Baku Protests Against Soldier Jeyhun Gubadov's Death

December 20, 2012 - British MP Helen Goodman Attacks Human Rights Record of Azerbaijan

December 19, 2012 - AZAD Forum "Azerbaijan's Untapped Potential for the West: Engaging Azerbaijani Society as a US Ally"

December 10, 2012 - Azeri Police Arrests... Government Supporter at Opposition Rally

December 10, 2012 - Public Chamber's Protest Action in Downtown Baku

October 20, 2012 - Opposition Protesters Demand Dissolution of Azerbaijani Parliament

October 1, 2012 - Million Dollar Bribe for a Parliamentary Seat: Secret Cam Recording with English Subtitles

More Videos...

Photos

Photo Essay on Heydar Aliyev's Cult of Personality in Azerbaijan - February 19, 2013

Popular Uprising in Ismayilli - January 23, 2013

Public Chamber's Rally - April 22, 2012

Youth Protest Rally in Bayil - March 12, 2012

Anti-French Protests In Baku - January 25, 2012

Youth Protests in Downtown Baku - December 3, 2011

Rally of the Public Chamber of the Azeri Opposition - June 19, 2011

Azeri Diaspora Rallies For Demoracy In Stockholm, Sweden - June 18, 2011

Public Champer Marks the Republic Day - May 28, 2011

April 17 Rally of Azeri Opposition - April 17, 2011

Azeri Diaspora Rallies For Democracy in Den Haag - April 6, 2011

Azeri Diaspora Rallies For Democracy in Strasbourg - April 2, 2011

Rally of Azerbaijani Democratic Forces - April 2, 2011

Free Azerbaijan Rally of AZAD - March 19, 2011

Musavat Rally Against Aliyev Regime - March 12, 2011

Youth Protests Against Aliyev Regime - March 11, 2011

Democratic Forces of Azerbaijan Commemorated M.A. Rasulzade - January 31, 2011

Hijab Protest In Nardaran - December 18, 2010

Parliamentary Elections In Azerbaijan - November 7, 2010

Azeri Diaspora In Netherlands Protested Against Ilham Aliyev's Regime - November 5, 2010

PFPA and Musavat's Joint Rally In Baku - July 31, 2010

Azeri Opposition's Protest Action In Baku - July 3, 2010

Azadlig Bloc Held "Unauthorized" Rally In Baku - June 19, 2010

Musavat and Union for Democracy Held "Unauthorized" Rally In Baku - June 12, 2010

Azadlig Bloc's "Unauthorized" Rally In Baku - June 5, 2010

International Act of Protest for Eynulla Fatullayev In Front of Azeri Embassy - June 3, 2010

Azadlig Bloc's Rally In Novkhani - May 28, 2010

Protest of Azadlig Bloc in Baku - May 15, 2010

Protest of Azadlig bloc in Baku - April 26, 2010

Surprise Youth Protest Action in Baku - Nov. 22, 2009

U.S. Azeris Commemorate Oil Academy Shooting Victims - May 10, 2009

Student Protests In Baku - May 10, 2009

Mirza Sakit Released From Jail - April 9, 2009

Azeris Marked Khojali Massacre In Front of Armenian Embassy - February 25, 2009

AZAD Holds Protest Rally In New York Against Unlimited Presidency in Azebaijan - January 9, 2009

AZAD Holds Protest Rally in Washington DC Against Unlimited Presidency in Azerbaijan - Dec. 30, 2008

Protests Against Constitutional Changes in Azerbaijan - Dec. 24, 2008

Ganja Celebrates Ilham Aliyev's Birthday - Dec. 24, 2008

Jailed Azeri Journalists, Brothers Ganimat and Sakit Zahidov at Their Fathers Funeral

Sacrifice Holiday in Azerbaijan - December 8, 2008

Military Parade in Baku - June 26, 2008